Too good to be true
By Goodwin Liu
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Liu |
In June 2003, the Supreme Court held that affirmative action in law schools
is necessary to cultivate diverse leaders for a diverse society. Now, a new
study claims that the court was wrong on the facts. (See December Bar Journal,
p. 1.) In a lengthy article published in the Stanford Law Review, UCLA law
professor and economist Richard Sander argues that America’s law schools
would produce more black lawyers by eliminating affirmative action than by preserving
it. Sander’s counterintuitive thesis turns on the notion that affirmative
action, by lowering admission standards, produces a “mismatch” between
black students and their white peers.
The mismatch, he argues, causes blacks to earn lower grades, drop out at higher
rates and pass the bar at lower rates than they would if they went to less selective
schools. He predicts that although there would be fewer black law students without
affirmative action, their higher grades and lower dropout rates would boost
the total number of blacks who pass the bar by 7 percent.
At last, can we have our colorblind cake and eat it too? Probably not.
First, Sander’s conclusion flies in the face of the most basic tenet
of economics: that people act rationally to maximize their self-interest. Affirmative
action has been with us for 30 years. Is it really possible that cohort after
cohort of talented black students, lured by the siren of affirmative action,
have incurred large debts and forgone other opportunities in order to attend
top law schools — all on a misguided expectation of success?
If the costs of affirmative action outweigh the benefits, then surely the “victims”
would know. Over time, they would see that the best black students at second-tier
law schools (some top students do choose second-tier schools for geographic,
financial or other reasons) far outperform their similarly credentialed peers
at more elite schools and have a much easier time passing the bar. That hard
truth would be passed from one generation to the next.
But Sander offers no evidence that this occurs. In fact, his core data show
that black students who attend more elite law schools generally drop out at
lower rates and pass the bar at higher rates than black students with comparable
credentials who attend less elite schools. True, students at more elite schools
may come better prepared in ways the LSAT and college grades cannot measure.
But by attending a prestigious school, they also enjoy substantial educational
advantages, such as financial aid, support services and a culture of high achievement.
The reality is that thousands of black students admitted through affirmative
action have succeeded by working hard, aiming high and making the most of good
opportunities. The idea that they should now lower their sights deserves strong
skepticism.
Second, Sander takes an unrealistic view of how many blacks would still attend
law school if affirmative action were to disappear. He believes that students
now in first-tier schools will go to second-tier schools, that students in second-tier
schools will go to third-tier schools, and so on. According to Sander, this
“cascade effect” would reduce the number of black law students,
but not the number of black lawyers once better grades and retention are taken
into account. This is almost certainly wrong.
The smooth cascade Sander envisions is unlikely. As his study concedes, ending
affirmative action would cause black enrollment at the most elite law schools
to drop from 7 or 8 percent to 1 or 2 percent. A top student faced with being
one of only a handful of blacks in law school might reasonably decide that other
career paths are less isolating and more promising. Similarly, other options
might appear more attractive to an applicant who, without affirmative action,
faces the prospect of attending a 40th-ranked school instead of a 15th-ranked
school.
Sander further assumes that law school admission works as a fluid national
market, with each black applicant willing to accept the best admission offer
whether in Massachusetts or Missouri. For many reasons, including work, family
and community attachments, this assumption is flawed. In short, Sander’s
imagined cascade is rife with possibilities for leakage, reducing black law
school enrollment far more than he predicts.
Finally, there’s reason to doubt Sander’s claim that ending affirmative
action will eliminate “mismatch” and, with it, racial gaps in law
school grades, retention and bar passage. Copious research, which Sander does
not confront, shows that the achievement gap at selective universities is due
to differences not only in entering credentials but also in the university experience
itself.
This was confirmed in a recent study by College of New Jersey sociologist Timothy
Clydesdale using Sander’s main data set. Consistent with other studies,
Clydesdale found that admission credentials and other entrance factors account
for only half of the black-white gap in law school grades. The remaining gap
implicates aspects of the educational environment that may affect black and
white students differently.
In experiments with highly motivated black students, Stanford psychologist
Claude Steele has shown that the fear of doing badly in school and thereby confirming
racial stereotypes generates an intense level of anxiety that undermines academic
performance. Fear of confirming perceptions of racial inferiority is something
white students do not face.
In addition, for many minority students, the lack of minority faculty heightens
feelings of isolation and makes it difficult to find close mentors. And despite
much progress, minority students still face discrimination on campus, both subtle
and overt.
Given these factors, it is folly to believe that eliminating affirmative action
will eliminate the achievement gap. What’s worse, it distracts us from
seeking to improve the climate and quality of the educational experience in
ways that enable all students to do their best.
Goodwin Liu is an assistant professor of law at Boalt Hall, University
of California at Berkeley. This article is adapted from an earlier version published
in the Los Angeles Times.
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